（一）推動參與聯合國案，無論是從民意需求，或是從國家利益考量，均有一定之功用。本部將持續注意國內民意反應，審視國際局勢變化，衡酌兩岸關係發展，並配合聯合國相關議事規則規定，靈活採擇推動策略，務求獲致最大效益；特別是在相關文宣和海外造勢方面，政府在規劃時將力求活潑化與多元化，加強國內民間團體與海外僑社之參與，期能引起各界廣泛之注意與支持，使我參與政府間國際組織之目標得以早日實現。
（錄自94年3月16日立法院第六屆第一會期外交及僑務委員會陳部長外交施政報告）
（二）面對中共在國際間不斷壓縮我國際生存空間之作為，我將繼續運用既有之優勢，把握國際局勢發展中有利之因素，積極推動下列各項外交作為：
1、維護台海安全
面對中共不斷提升對台軍力部署，並制訂「反分裂國家法」為對台動武預設法律藉口，外交部將繼續加強國際洽助、強化與美、日等國之安全合作、並促請國際社會正視軍售中共對台海和平安全之危害。
2、維護國家主權
針對中共對台發動法律戰、輿論戰及心理戰等三戰作為，外交部將在國際間強化主權論述、促請國際社會尊重台灣人民「和平發展，自由選擇」之基本人權。
3、拓展對外關係
外交部除鞏固既有之邦交關係外，亦將把握任何建立新邦交關係之機會，積極開拓我國國際生存空間。外交部亦將透過經貿、科技及文化合作，加強與無邦交國家間之實質關係及官方交往。
4、加強國際經貿合作
外交部將積極推動參與APEC、WTO及OECD各項會議及活動，以維護我國經貿利益，並提升國際影響力，此外，亦將繼續推動與美、日及相關友邦洽簽自由貿易協定之工作。
5、加強推動參與國際組織
外交部將繼續推動參與世界衛生組織及聯合國案，並把握機會以務實、彈性之作法，繼續推動參與其他政府間國際組織，同時亦加強協助國內ＮＧＯ加入國際非政府組織或參與國際合作。
（錄自94年3月16日立法院第六屆第一會期外交及僑務委員會陳部長外交施政報告）
（三）Blinded by the short-term commercial reward of gaining access to Chinese markets, the same countries that once strengthened Saddam Hussein's regime have already forgotten that those who sell weapons to dictatorships do so at their own peril. Rewarding China intransigence with new supplies of high-tech military equipment surely sends the wrong message to the rulers in Beijing.（錄自2005年4月18日紐約太陽報《The New York Sun》陳部長專文“A Matter of Political Will”）
（四）Those who glibly reject the relevance of the Security Council on the grounds that China, as a permanent member, can wield its veto to block any discussion of Taiwan need to read the United Nations Charter more carefully. Specifically, they should look at Article 27, which requires that in decisions of the Security Council relating to the peaceful settlement of disputes under Chapter VI of the U.N. Charter, a "party to a dispute shall abstain from voting."
（錄自2005年4月18日紐約太陽報《The New York Sun》陳部長專文“A Matter of Political Will”）
（五）It is inevitable that there will come a day when the international community recognizes that the Taiwanese people, like the Lebanese, Palestinian, Kyrgyz, Georgian, Ukrainian, Israeli, and so many others, have the right to determine their own government, their own identity, and their own destiny. All that is required is for the international community to muster the political will to demand peace in the Taiwan Strait until the Chinese people enjoy the benefits of freedom enjoyed by the Taiwanese people.
（錄自2005年4月18日紐約太陽報《The New York Sun》陳部長專文“A Matter of Political Will”）
（六）……the pursuit of international participation is an inevitable result of Taiwan consistent development of democracy and human rights. Since Taiwan began to democratize in the mid-1980s, the people of Taiwan have urged the government to seek out a new role in the international community. For instance, Taiwan bid to participate in the UN was fortified by social movements which led to the passage of a resolution to this effect in the Legislature in 1991.
The development of democracy in Taiwan upholds a primary ideal of the UN. In the Human Development Report published by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in July 2002, the importance of deepening democracy was stressed. Since Taiwan is a successful young democracy, it deserves further international acknowledgement. However, because Taiwan has not been allowed to play an active role in many multilateral mechanisms, such as the Community of Democracies (CD) and the International Conferences of New or Restored Democracies sponsored by the UN, this young democracy cannot share its precious experience with others. The lack of communication undermines the UN's commitment to expanding global democracy.
（錄自2005年7月1日哈佛國際評論《The Harvard International Review》陳部長專文“Joining the Global Village - Taiwan Participation in the International Community”）
（七）Taiwan is willing and able to actively cooperate on transnational issues. Nevertheless, Taiwan's lack of proper representation in the UN prevents Taiwan from participating in the WHO, the ICAO, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and many other international organizations, as well as multinational treaties. If Taiwan were to be accepted by the UN, it would have an opportunity to participate in UN-related organizations and other forms of multilateral cooperation. Moreover, the ideals of universality, promoting international cooperation, and elevating human welfare—all manifested in the UN Charter—could be realized.
Resolution 2758 (XXVI), which was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1971 and concerns China representation, has been repeatedly abused by China as an excuse to prevent Taiwan from participating in the United Nations over recent decades. At the time this resolution was passed, the two sides of the Strait both proclaimed that there was only one China , and competed over China representation. However, democratized Taiwan has realized the ideal of “sovereignty residing in the people,” and has repositioned itself. Thus, Taiwan no longer claims to represent China , but now stresses the representation of the 23 million people of Taiwan . The background and circumstances of Resolution 2758 have completely changed, and this resolution needs to be reviewed.
Taiwan participation in the UN would enhance regional peace. UN peacekeeping operations have been helpful in diminishing civil wars in Bosnia , Somalia , and Sudan . Moreover, East Timor has become independent and is walking along the path of democratization with the UN help. Today, the Taiwan Strait is regarded as one of the three flashpoints in East Asia . The basis of this problem stems from China claim that cross-Strait issues are its own internal affair, and that international interference must therefore be excluded.
Furthermore, China has not renounced the use of military force against Taiwan , and has attempted to use the “anti-separation law” as a so-called legal basis for using military force against Taiwan at its own discretion. Since the objective of the UN is to maintain world peace, accepting Taiwan participation would provide a multilateral platform on which the two sides of the Strait could build mutual trust and resolve disputes through peaceful dialogue.
（錄自2005年7月1日哈佛國際評論《The Harvard International Review》陳部長專文“Joining the Global Village - Taiwan Participation in the International Community”）
（八）In the era of the global village, Taiwan lack of participation in international cooperation is like a hole in the ozone layer, which will have a far-reaching adverse impact for the entire world. With its rightful participation in international organizations and multilateral cooperative mechanisms, Taiwan will be better placed to safeguard the rights of its people, fulfill its international responsibilities, promote international cooperation, and maintain regional peace and stability in East Asia .
Taiwan 23 million people have extended their arms to embrace the world. The international community should reciprocate.
（錄自2005年7月1日哈佛國際評論《The Harvard International Review》陳部長專文“Joining the Global Village - Taiwan Participation in the International Community”）
（九）陳部長表示，國內對推動參與聯合國工作之必要性具有高度共識，然過去連續推動12年餘以來，受限於中共的強力打壓以及國際現實，迄今仍無法獲得重大突破。今年適有若干情勢發展值得注意，例如本年聯合國慶祝成立60週年，中共於本年3月14日通過「反分裂國家法」、以及聯合國安南秘書長於本年3月提交題為「大自由：實現人人共享的發展、安全和人權」(In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All)的聯合國改革建議報告等，外交部經諮商各方意見後，決定除了傳統的「參與UN案」之外，另以聯合國維持和平之核心宗旨為訴求，期能以「和平」之道德制高點切入，爭取國際上對維護台海安全的關心和努力。
（錄自94年8月12日外交部第135號新聞稿）
（十）外交部陳部長強調，在一個地球村的時代，沒有台灣參與國際合作，就好像有了破洞的臭氧層，對全世界都有不利影響。陳部長呼籲聯合國其他會員國正視中華民國政府為2,300萬台灣人民爭取參與聯合國的基本權利的正當性，發揮道德勇氣及改革決心，忠實履行聯合國維護國際和平及安全之義務，籲促中共放棄武嚇作法，共同協助維護台海的現狀與和平，並以具體行動支持臺灣2,300萬人民在聯合國之代表權，使台灣早日得與聯合國所有會員國共同為國際和平與安全、人權與人道事務、經濟合作貢獻心力。
（錄自94年8月12日外交部第135號新聞稿）
（十一）外交部陳部長對聯大總務委員會未能建議將「參與案」及「和平案」納入聯大議程雖不感到意外，但仍深感遺憾。陳部長指出，友我兩案之訴求已於事前經由聯合國秘書處作成大會正式文件，並分發予各國駐聯合國代表團。我駐外各館處及聯工小組在洽助過程中，絕大多數國家都對友我兩項提案表示瞭解與同情，尤其是「和平案」的訴求，普獲各國支持，就連若干歷年一直反對我案的國家駐聯合國常任代表都表示肯定，已經達到「向國際發聲」的國際宣達效果，充分傳達我們「要參與（聯合國）」、「要和平」的心聲。
陳部長再次呼籲國際社會應正視中華民國作為一個愛好和平的國家，在台灣長期穩定存在，是一個充滿活力的民主社會，有能力並且願意履行聯合國憲章規定的各項相關義務的事實；更希望聯合國勇於關切並採取具體的預防性作法，舒緩中共對台使用武力的威脅。
外交部陳部長對所有參加提案、連署和出席聯大總務委員會會議挺身為我執言之友邦，表達最誠摯之謝意。陳部長也感謝海內外熱心的民間團體和個人，和政府一起努力，共同維護台海和平以及爭取台灣2300萬人民正常參與國際社會的基本權利。陳部長強調，台灣參與聯合國不僅係一項合理訴求，更是一項尋求國際正義的長期任務，只要持之以恆，再接再厲，必能達成目標。
（錄自94年9月14日外交部第153號新聞稿）